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Sisseränne 1700-1800

Sisseränne 1700-1800

Aastaks 1700 rajasid prantslased Detroiti, St. Louis'i, Memphise, Natchezi ja Mobile'i asundused Uus -Prantsusmaale. Suurimad kolooniad asusid Mississippi oru alumises osas, kus viljakas pinnas ja soe kliima võimaldasid asunikel rajada edukaid talusid ja istandusi. 1718. aastal asutatud New Orleansist sai tihe meresadam ja kaubanduskeskus.

Prantsuse sisseränne Louisiana piirdus roomakatoliiklastega ja seega kippusid Ameerikas elama soovivad prantsuse protestandid (hugenotid) elama Inglise kolooniatesse. Prantsuse misjonäride ja preestrite töö tulemusena sai katoliku kirik Mississippi orus hästi sisse.

18. sajandi keskpaigaks oli Uus -Prantsusmaal 80 000 elanikku. See oli hajutatud laiale alale, samas kui 1500 000 inglise elanikkond oli koondunud kolmeteistkümnesse kolooniasse Atlandi ookeani ääres.

1754. aastal puhkes sõda prantsuse ja inglise asunike vahel. Kindral Edward Braddock saadeti Ameerikasse Inglise vägesid juhtima. Oma esimeses kampaanias juhtis ta prantslaste kontrollitud Fort Duquesne'i vastu inglise armee armeed ja koloniaalvägede armeed. Kuid nad said lüüa Prantsuse ja põliselanike vägede kombinatsioonist.

Kui William Pitt 1757. aastal peaministriks sai, saatis ta Ameerikasse abiväge. See võimaldas inglastel hõivata Fort Duquesne'i ja Fort Niagara. Järgmisel aastal nimetas ta kindral James Wolfe'i Inglise vägede ülemaks ja 1759. aastal alistas ta Quebecis Louis Joseph Montcalmi juhitud prantslased. 1760 vallutasid inglased Montreali ja Prantsusmaa impeerium Põhja -Ameerikas oli lõppemas.

Varakult Ameerikasse saabujaid nimetati kolonistideks või asunikeks. Esimest korda kasutati mõistet immigrant 1787. aastal. Siiski väideti tollal, et on erinevus kolonistide vahel, kes „rajasid uue uue ühiskonna, ja nende välismaalaste vahel, kes saabuvad alles siis, kui riigi seadused, tavad ja keel on fikseeritud. "

Aastal 1798 avaldas Thomas Malthus oma Essee rahvastiku põhimõtetest. Malthus väitis oma raamatus, et Suurbritannia rahvaarv kasvab kiiremini kui toiduainete tootmine. Malthus ennustas, et kui midagi ette ei võeta, jääb Suurbritannias suur hulk inimesi nälga. Tema raamat tekitas paanikat ja esimest korda ajaloos nõustus valitsus loendama Suurbritannias elavate inimeste arvu. Aasta rahvaloendusel selgus, et Suurbritannias elab 10 501 000 inimest. Hinnanguliselt oli Suurbritannia rahvaarv alates 1750. aastast kahekordistunud.

Liikumine suuremahulise teadusliku põllumajanduse poole suurendas oluliselt toodangut, kuid muutis paljud põllumajandustöötajad koondatuks. Mõned kolisid tööd otsides kiiresti kasvavatesse tööstuspiirkondadesse, teised aga otsustasid emigreeruda Austraaliasse, Uus-Meremaale, Kanadasse, Lõuna-Aafrikasse ja Ameerika Ühendriikidesse.


W & uumlrttembergi väljarändeindeks

Indeks hõlmab 1808–1890 ja on kataloogitud Oberamti (või linnaosa - sarnane USA maakonnakeskuse) alla, kust emigrant lahkus. Otsingu tegemiseks peate teadma ainult väljarändaja nime. Indeksis on järgmine teave: sünniaeg ja -koht, väljarände kuupäev, Oberamt, sihtkoht (Põhja -Ameerika, Venemaa, Euroopa ja mujal) ning originaaldokumendi perekonna ajaloo raamatukogu mikrofilm.

Siin on näide loetelust ajakirjast Vol. Wuerttembergi väljarändeindeksi 6. punkt:

Nimi: Barth, Johann Friedrich
Sünniaeg: 9. september 1853
Sünnikoht: Liezingen
Oberamt: Mlbr (Maulbronn)
Taotlemise kuupäev: märts 1856
Sihtkoht: N-Amer
FHL film #838285

Sama materjal on esitatud Ancestry indeksi veebiversioonis. See link annab teile rohkem teavet Ancestry veebipõhise Württembergi väljarändeindeksi ja nende veebiteenuse tellimise kohta.

Allpool leiate nimekirja originaalraamatutest iga raamatus käsitletud Oberamti (linnaosa) kohta.

Württembergi väljarändeindeks Trudy Schenk (koostaja) ja Ruth Froelke, kirjastus Ancestry 1986-2002

Kd. 1
Backnang, Besigheim, Biberach, Blaubeuren, B & oumlblingen, Brackenheim, Calw, Horb

Kd. 2
Nagold, N & uumlrtingen, Rottenburg, Rottweil, Schorndorf

Kd. 3
Balingen, Calw, Freuden-stadt, Herrenberg, Nagold, Sulz

Kd. 4
Geislingen, Kirchheim, Leonberg, Reutlingen

Kd. 5
Crailsheim, Gaildorf, Geislingen, Hall, K & uumlnzelsau, Mergentheim, Welzheim

Kd. 6
Brackenheim, Gmuen, Hall, Heilbronn, Leonberg, Maulbronn, Neckarsulm, Nuertingen, Oehringen, Schorndorf, Spaichingen, Stuttgart, Urach, Waldsee, Weinsberg

Kd. 7
Aalen, Esslingen, Heidenheim, Marbach, Muensingen, Riedlingen, Tuttlingen, Vaihingen.

Kd. 8
Cannstatt, Goeppingen, Laupheim, Leutkirch, Ludwigsburg, Ravensburg, Saulgau, Stuttgart, Tettnang, Tuebingen, Ulm


3. osa: 1820-1959

Varased sisserändega seotud andmed pärinevad piirkondlikest tollimajadest. USA tolliteenistus ajas oma tegevust kogumispiirkondade määramisega. Igal ringkonnal oli staabisadam koos kohandatud majaga ja tollikoguja, rajooni ülemametnik.

2. märtsi 1819 akt (3 Stat. 489) nõudis välisriigist Ameerika Ühendriikidesse või mõnele selle territooriumile saabuva laeva kaptenile või kaptenile tolli kogujale reisijate nimekirja esitamist, alates 1. jaanuarist 1820. Seadus nõudis ka, et koguja esitaks kvartaliaruande või kokkuvõtte, mis koosneb nende reisijate nimekirjade koopiatest, riigisekretärile, kes oli kohustatud sellise teabe esitama igal kongressi istungjärgul. Pärast 1874. aastat edastasid kogujad rahandusministeeriumile ainult statistilisi aruandeid. Nimekirjad ise jäid tollikogujale. Tolliandmeid peeti peamiselt statistilistel eesmärkidel.

3. asutati 3. märtsi 1891. aasta seadusega (26 Stat. 1085) ja määrati hiljem 1895. aastal bürooks, kelle ülesandeks oli välismaalaste lepingu- ja tööseaduste haldamine. 1900. aastal lisandus Hiina väljaarvamise seaduste haldamine. Esialgu säilitas juhatus sama sisenemissadamate haldusstruktuuri, mida tolliteenistus kasutas. Sajandivahetuseks hakkas ta määrama oma sisseränderingkondi, mille arv ja piirid on aastatega muutunud.

Aastal 1903 sai büroo kaubandus- ja tööministeeriumi koosseisu, selle nimi muudeti sisserände- ja naturalisatsioonibürooks, kui 1906. aastal lisati naturalisatsiooniga seotud ülesanded. 1933. aastal anti funktsioonid üle tööministeeriumile ja nende ülesandeks sai vastloodud sisserände- ja naturalisatsiooniteenistus (INS). President Roosevelti 1940. aasta ümberkorralduskava V alusel viidi INS justiitsministeeriumisse. INS kaotati ning selle sisserände- ja naturalisatsiooniandmete registriülesanded anti 2002. aasta sisejulgeoleku seadusega üle uuele sisejulgeolekuministeeriumile, mis asutati 24. jaanuaril 2003 (116 Stat. 2135,). 2205).


Sisseränne 1700-1800 - ajalugu

Kaheksateistkümnendal sajandil toimunud poliitilise revolutsiooni seemneks sai Pennsylvaniast Ameerika tööstusrevolutsiooni tugipunkt üheksateistkümnendal sajandil. 1800ndatel oli Pennsylvania majanduslik koloss, mida tõi kaasa kaevandamise, raudteede, nafta-, raua- ja terasetootmise ning tootmise laienemine. Riigi häbelik nõudlus tööjõu järele õhutas ka uut Euroopa immigrantide lainet. Pennsylvania ja riigi arenev uus majandus tooksid nii suurt rikkust kui ka vapustavat töölisklassi vaesust.

Aastatel 1800–1860 suurenes Pennsylvania rahvaarv rohkem kui neljakordistuseni, 600 000 -lt enam kui 2 900 000 -ni, kuna uus majanduskord muutis kaubanduse, sotsiaalse suhtluse ja igapäevaelu mustreid. Tööstusrevolutsioonist tekkis teistsugune Pennsylvania, kuid seda koormasid endiselt pinged põliselanike ja uustulnukate vahel. Kodusõja eelõhtul olid 1790. aastate poliitilised segadused ja sellised protestid nagu viski mäss Lääne-Pennsylvanias ja Saksa-Ameerika maksumäss osariigi idapoolsetes maakondades andnud võimaluse uuele vägivallaajale, mis oli seotud võitlustega. tööandjad ja nende töötajad ning Pennsylvania kohati ebastabiilne pluralism.

Philadelphia Lazaretto karantiinijaam, mis avati 1798. aastal pärast laastavat kollapalaviku puhangut viis aastat varem, oli nii sisserändeportaal kui ka krooniliselt haigete reisijate kinnipidamiskeskus. Selle väravate kaudu tulid saksa, inglise, iiri, skandinaavia ja muud sisserändajad, kes jõudsid elavasse linnakeskusesse ja kaugemalegi. New York möödus sellest 1800. aastaks riigi suurima linnana, kuid Philadelphia jäi erinevate sotsiaalsete rühmade tiigliks, mida eraldasid sissetulekud, rass, rahvus ja religioon. Aastal 1800 edestas selle 63 000 elanikku (kaks korda rohkem Philadelphia maakonnas) Pennsylvania lähimaid rivaale: Pittsburgh 7200 ja Lancaster ligi 4300.

Aastate alguses oli Pennsylvania jätkuvalt varjupaik inimestele, kes põgenesid usulise ja poliitilise tagakiusamise eest, ning veelgi suuremale hulgale, kes põgenesid vaesuse eest ja lootsid paremale elule. 1790. aastatel rajas väike grupp Prantsuse revolutsiooni põgenikke Bradfordi maakonna looduses koloonia, mida nad nimetasid Azilumiks. Kümmekond aastat hiljem kolisid Saksamaalt Wurttembergist pärit luterlikud separatistid Ohio jõe kaldale Pittsburghist põhja poole, kus harmoonikud, nagu nad said tuntuks, lõid Ameerika ajaloo ühe edukaima ja pikaealisema usukogukonna. Üks lühima elueaga oli Oleana, Norra asula, mille rajas 1852. aastal viiulivirtuoos Ole Bulli Potteri maakonna loodusse.

Pennsylvania tööstused toimisid 1800ndate alguses magnetidena, meelitades üha rohkem uusi tulijaid idarannikult üles ja alla ning välismaalt. Söekaevandamine ning kanalite ja raudteede tohutu transporditaristu ehitamine nõudis suurt hulka kvalifitseeritud ja lihttöölisi, nõudluse rahuldasid osaliselt Walesi ja Iiri immigrandid. Tööjõu ülemused värbasid 1830ndatel sisserändajaid paadi juurest, et ehitada Philadelphiat Pittsburghiga ühendava kanalite raudteede, tunnelite ja sildade süsteem Main Line. Raie-, kaevandus-, rauasepikojad ja uued tööstusharud andsid tööd ka tuhandetele. 1830ndatel asutatud suur Baldwini veduritehas värbas aktiivselt sisserännanud töötajaid paljude aastakümnete jooksul. Aastate alguseks tootis Baldwin Philadelphias oma 200 aakri suuruses North Broad Streeti piirkonnas igal aastal rohkem kui 2600 auruvedurit.

Aastaid enne suurt Iiri näljahäda vähendas Iirimaa rahvaarvu enam kui 8 miljonilt 6 miljonile (1845–1852), tervitas püsivat iiri-katoliku sisserännet etnilise ja religioosse vaenulikkuse tõusulaine kogu protestantlikus kirdeosas. Viiekümne seitsme Iiri immigrandi surm 1832. aastal, kes töötas Philadelphia ja Columbia raudteel Duffy's Cutis Malverni lähedal, jääb salapäraseks, kuigi tõendeid ebameeldiva mängu kohta on praegu palju.

Philadelphia maakonna Kensingtoni linnaosas jõudsid 1844. aasta mais ja juulis mitu aastat kestnud vägivaldsed tänavarahutused lõpule, kui organiseeritud nativistlikud rahvahulgad süütasid üle tosina katoliku hoone, sealhulgas nunnakloostri ja Püha Augustinuse kiriku. Kui iiri-katoliiklastest sisserändajad asusid elama Pennsylvania kaguossa ja liikusid osariigi põhja ja lääne poole, tõid nad oma kultuuri endaga kaasa, asutades kirikukogudused ja kirikukoolid sellistes kohtades nagu Loretto ja St Xavier's.

1800ndate alguses rändas Pennsylvaniasse rohkem iirlasi kui ükski teine ​​rühm-aastaks 1850 moodustasid nad enam kui 50 protsenti osariigi välismaal sündinud elanikkonnast, kuid Pennsylvania meelitas kohale ka sisserändajaid teistest Euroopa riikidest, sealhulgas Saksa juute. Philadelphia väike, kuid väljakujunenud juudi kogukond oli koondunud mitme sünagoogi ümber, millest vanim oli Mikveh Iisrael, mida juhtis kakskümmend aastat Isaac Leeser, geniaalne teoloog, kes tegi Philadelphiast heebrea trüki ja juudi mõtte keskme Ameerikas. Kui väike arv juute levis üle Rahvaste Ühenduse, asutasid nad uued kogudused ja matmisühingud, sealhulgas Chevrah Kaddishah (Püha matmisühing) Chambersburgis ja uued kogudused Pittsburghis, Scrantonis ja teistes linnades.

Stabiilsed kirikud ja sotsiaalsed institutsioonid ning osariigi asukoht Mason-Dixoni joonest põhja pool mängisid kõik rolli Pennsylvania Aafrika-Ameerika elanikkonna pidevas kasvus. Kodusõja eelõhtul elas Rahvaste Ühenduses 57 000 vaba afroameeriklast ja Philadelphias elas põhjaosa suurim mustanahaline elanikkond. 1838. aastal võttis uus Pennsylvania põhiseadus aga mustanahalistelt meestelt hääleõiguse ning rahutused Philadelphias, Columbias ja mujal aitasid kaasa rassilise kliima halvenemisele kogu Rahvaste Ühenduses.

Samal ajal põgenes üha rohkem orjastatud Aafrika ameeriklasi lõunaosariikidest Pennsylvaniasse, mis on tärkava maa -aluse raudtee ja kaotavate liikumiste keskus. Pennsylvania abolitsionistide vastupanu 1850. aasta põgenenud orjaseadusele tõi kaasa verise vastasseisu Christiana talukogukonnas 1851. aastal ja vastuolulise Philadelphia kohtuprotsessi tagaotsitava Jane Johnsoni üle 1855. aastal.

Kodusõja puhkedes oli Pennsylvania oma teistsugune kui XIX sajandi alguses. Uue etnilise, rassilise ja usulise mitmekesisusega seotud vaidlused ohustasid sotsiaalset ja poliitilist harmooniat. Iiri keel oli asendanud sakslasi kui Rahvaste Ühenduse suurimat välismaal sündinud elanike rühma ning eraldiseisva katoliikliku kirikliku haridussüsteemi kasvav esiletõstmine avaldas olulist kultuurilist ja poliitilist mõju. Kaheksakümne aasta jooksul pärast Ameerika iseseisvumist tugevdasid konfessionaalsed kirikud, sünagoogid, matmisühingud ja sotsiaalsed klubid kogu Rahvaste Ühenduse territooriumil uute etniliste, rassiliste ja usuliste tavade ja traditsioonide püsivust.

Kuigi sisseränne kodusõja tormilistel aastatel vähenes, pakkus sõda iiri ja saksa pennsylvanialastele võimalusi oma isamaalisuse demonstreerimiseks ning Aafrika ameeriklased kasutasid võimalust võidelda orjuse lõpu ja oma vabaduste eest Rahvaste Ühenduse ja rahva kodanikena . Pennsylvanias ja mujal olid mustad väed aga sageli nii peene rassismi kui ka avaliku vaenulikkuse sihtmärgid. Koduväljakul võitlesid kveekerid, amišid, mennoniidid ja teised ajalooliselt patsifistlikud konfessioonid omaenda südametunnistuse dilemmadega konflikti lähenedes ja seejärel Pennsylvaniasse levides.

Sõja ajal oli Pennsylvania etniliste, klassiliste ja rassiliste pingete kuumus. Sõjaaegsed protestid sõjalise eelnõu ja emantsipatsiooni väljakuulutamise pärast peegeldasid sügavamaid sotsiaalseid lõhesid. Samal ajal kui New Yorgi kuulsad 1863. aasta rahutused, mässasid iirlased ja teised Pennsylvania antratsiitrajooni töölised söeparunite toetuse vastu ajateenistusele ja mõttele võidelda mustade õiguste eest Pennsylvania "teises kodusõjas". See sisserännanud kaevurite autoritaarsusvastane vägivald nägi ette mässuliste rühmituste nagu Molly Maguires tõusu, keda kahtlustati mitmete miinijuhendajate ja juhtide tapmises kohalikes eelnõudes, mis üritasid neid liidu armeesse kutsuda.

Kodusõja lõppemisele järgnenud poole sajandi jooksul koges Ameerika Ühendriike pikaajaline kodusõda kapitali ja tööjõu vahel - riiklik sõda, kus Pennsylvania oli suur lahinguväli. Uus, püsivam välisrände laine ja musta rände tõus Esimese maailmasõja ajal muudaks taas Pennsylvania niigi keerulist mitmekultuurilist ühiskonda.


Sisseränne 1700-1800 - ajalugu

Suur hulk tulevasi Ameerikasse sisserändajaid kohtus Rotterdamis, mis on väga sobiv reisijatele, kes olid tulnud Reini jõest alla oma linnadest ja taludest. Neckari jõe org oli olnud koduks paljudele neist. Rotterdam oli suur õitsev kaubanduskeskus, üks kahest madalast laevanduskeskusest. Rotterdam oli paljuski oma aja tüüpiline kaubandussadam. Segased dokid ja laevandusrajatised ning elavad tänavaturud rahvarohke eluruumidega andsid märku selle jõukast seisukorrast. Tuhandete sakslaste lisandumine, kes põgenesid nende perekondade poolt põlvkondade kaupa asustatud piirkondadest, pani linnale suure koormuse. Kaupmehed ja kaubasaatjad nägid neid kui elavat last, et neid saaks majutada samamoodi nagu iga last.

Sakslased pidasid ümbrust kummaliseks, kuid samas mugavaks, kuigi enamiku jaoks oli see pelgalt peatuspaik teel Ameerikasse. Mõned jäid Rotterdami, saades osaks selle kaubanduskeskuse mitmekesisest elanikkonnast, kuid enamik Rheinlandi rändureid, kes olid teel uue maailma lubaduse poole, pidasid seda liiga kommertslikuks või liiga maiseks. Väikest ainet, mille need vaesed rändurid olid Ameerikasse reisile kogunud, hajutas sadamas või selle lähedal isegi lühike loits. Paljud, kes lahkusid sakslaste kodudest maksejõulises finantsolukorras, lahkusid Rotterdamist ilma igasuguste rahaliste vahenditeta (ja väga vähe kaupa).

Enamik oli leidnud tee Neckari ja Reini jõeorgudest alla jõetranspordiga. Paljud teised lihtsalt jalutasid või vedasid oma vankreid mööda radu, mis sisenesid jõeoru teede, maanteede ja sildade süsteemi. See, kas nad tõid oma pere kaasa, sõltus mõnevõrra kohalikest ja isiklikest asjaoludest. Tavaliselt kippus pereisa teekonda tegema üksi. Kui see muutus majanduslikult otstarbekaks, saatis ta hiljem oma pere järele. Ometi tõi üllatav hulk palatiinlasi ja teisi vähemussakslasi kaasa kogu pere või suurema osa perekonnast, olles ebakindel, kui nad olid Ameerika Ameerika reisi lõpp -väljavaates.

Mitmetest üksikasjalikest ülevaadetest ookeani ületamise kohta, mis meile on jõudnud, tundub üsna ilmne, et reis oli Euroopast Ameerikasse lendamise peamine oht või takistus. Paljud, kes polnud kunagi varem purjetanud, tungisid väikestesse alustesse vaeste meremeeste ja mädanenud majutusega. Nad elasid pardal kitsas ruumis kuus kuni kaheksa nädalat, hoides kindlalt kinni pagasiruumist, rinnast või pagasist, mis sisaldas kogu nende maist rikkust. Neil oli õnne tekipinda leida.

Paljud Pennsylvaniasse teel olnud pered olid rahvarohked laevadele, mis vedasid kahekordset reisijate arvu, mida laevad teoreetiliselt mahutasid. Nendes kitsastes ja rahvarohketes oludes hukkus merel palju reisijaid. Nii ulatuslik oli hukkunute loetelu, mille laevakaptenid leidsid lõpuks valemi, kuidas vältida liigset surmajuhtumit, mis vähendas nende lasti. Mõnikord põhjustasid surmajuhtumid ka Ameerika sadamates karantiinieeskirju. Nad leppisid kokku (ja muutsid 1740. aastateks selle võimalike reisijatega suulise lepingu osaks), et teekonna poolaeg on kriitiline aeg. Kui reisija suri enne, kui laev oli sõitnud poole kaugust Pennsylvaniasse, kannab kapten kulud ja surnukeha loetakse piletirahata. Kui aga reisija suri pärast reisi lõppu, peab tema perekond maksma Ameerika Ühendriikidele täishinna, kuigi ta oli maetud merele.

Lõigust on säilinud mitmesuguseid lugusid, mis on jätnud pettumuse ja kannatuste kirjanduse. Vähesed kontod muudavad kogemuse meeldivaks, enamik neist võtab kokku nädalaid ja kuid kestnud raskusi ja puudust. Üks selline John George Jungmanni kirjeldus laeva Love and Unity merereisist aastatel 1731-32 käsitleb probleeme üksikasjalikult. Rotterdamist pärit laev tegi sadama Falmouthis, lisades sinna tarvikuid ja toitu. Kaheteistkümne päeva pärast Falmouthist lahkumist teatas kapten, et pool teekonda oli viis kuud hiljem lõpule viidud, laev polnud veel Ameerikas maad näinud, kuid pärast ligi kuut kuud avamerel viibimist jõudsid nad Martha viinamarjaistanduses kaldale. Kõhnunud reisijad rääkisid lugusid intensiivsetest kannatustest. Kaheksa nädala pärast tuli nende leiba ja vett normida, kuid viimase kuue nädala jooksul enne jõule ei jagatud leivakogust ja jagati vett ühe pinti kohta pere kohta päevas. Laeva rotid müüdi šillingiga kuue penniga ja hiired kuue penniga, kui see on saadaval. Surmad sellel kohutaval reisil olid erakordselt suured. Vaid neli tosinat inimest jõudis Ameerika pinnale, kus oli esialgne reisijate nimekiri saja viiekümne kuuega. Vaevalt nelikümmend, keda esindas kõigest kolmteist perepead, jõudsid lõpuks Philadelphia esialgsesse sihtkohta ja seda ka kveekermeistri kaastunde läbi, kes nendega Bostonis juhtus. Ellujäänud väitsid, et ainus lõplik valik oli mäss, mille käigus nad sundisid laeva randuma.

Tavaliselt olid kuue kuni kaheksa nädala pikkuse reisi korral kapteni kulud tagasihoidlikud. Sadade reisijate toitmine maksis talle paar senti nädalas. Vastutasuks tema tarnitud toidu eest maksti peremehele tavaliselt head raha. Sularaha kliendid maksid maandudes kolm kuni viis naela. 1750. aastal maksid täiskasvanud läbimise eest kümme naela. Kümme kuni 20 protsenti reisijatest maksid sularaha. Aasta, tingimused Rotterdamis ja konkreetsed veetud isikud määrasid kindlaks reisijate jaotuse. Tulevased tööandjad (või aeg -ajalt tulevased abikaasad) ostsid järelejäänud küpsete saabujate tagatisi või lepinguid kasumiga, mis ületas kaptenite või laevakaptenite sularahahindu. Perekondadeta alaealised reisijad olid peaaegu alati õpipoisid või köidetud. Philadelphia laevakaptenid nõustusid 1740ndate lõpus üldiselt, et inimlasti on kasumlikum kui riie või kanep. Paljud kaptenid suutsid vaevalt end tagasi hoida, kui Rotterdamist saadeti 100 % ülekoormusega sellist inimlasti.

Ookeani läbimine nõudis soodsates tingimustes kuus nädalat, kuid isegi siis lisasid Rotterdami ja Cowesi eelsõidud reisile päevi või nädalaid. Koorimine Philadelphias viibis mõnikord tuule ja loodete või kaubandus- või sadamanõuete ja ametliku bürokraatia tõttu. Toidutarbimine reisija enda varudest jaotati kuue nädala ületamiseks. Kui see oli kadunud, elatusid nad laeva kauplustest saadud väikestest annustest, paisutatud hindadega. Aeg -ajalt kannatavad tormi hilinemised või navigatsiooniarvutused, nagu eespool kirjeldatud, mõjutasid nii meeskonda kui ka reisijaid, kuid eriti viimaseid.

Teekonna lõpp põhjustas väsinud reisijate seas valjuhäälseid pidustusi ja rõõmustamist. Need, kes olid nädalaid varem kaotanud lootuse kunagi sadamasse jõuda, tänasid nüüd Jumalat nende turvalise saabumise eest pärast rännakut ja väga suure mere kustutamist. "Isegi lai Delaware'i jõgi meenutas paljudele tuttavat Reini jõge oma alamjooksul lai, sujuvalt voolav ja piirneb mõlema panga muljetavaldava loodusliku kasvuga, kusjuures aeg-ajalt on näha eluruume ja kõrvalhooneid.

Philadelphia oli silmailu avav rändajatele, kes saabusid aastatel 1717–1754. Enamik sakslasi oli pärit taludest või maaküladest. Philadelphia oli suur rahvastikukeskus, kuigi 1717. aastal oli selle elanike arv alla kümne tuhande. Penni pealinn oli väga noor linn, alles hakanud kasvama, kus oli palju arenguruumi. Juhtiv kveekerlinn oli ehitatud kaubanduse mahutamiseks, nagu näitas eriti sadamate, laevade ja kõrtside arv. Üldiselt sisaldas see laiemaid tänavaid, suuremaid krunte (kuigi eksisteeris ka palju pisikesi) ja uuemat ehitust kui ükski linn, mille nad olid Ameerikasse läbinud.

Selles näidislinnas olid eriti nähtavad laiad tänavad ja laiad teed, kuigi võis leida ka kitsaid tagatänavaid ja alleesid. William Penni nõudmisel ja hiljutise arengu tõttu oli Philadelphia palju planeeritum linn kui iidsed ja sageli arhailised külad, mille saksa migrandid olid lahkunud. Omaniku plaanide elluviimine oli sageli ebatäiuslik, kuid jõupingutused rohelise maalinna pakkumiseks andsid tulemusi. See oli tõsi, et uued tänavad ja teed karmides ilmastikutingimustes muutusid praktiliselt läbimatuks.

Sellegipoolest oli üldmulje soodne, kuigi uudne ja võõras transiiträndajale. Suure Palatini rändebuumi ajal kasvas Philadelphia kiiresti. Selle elanike arv oli 1740. aastal võib -olla kolmteist tuhat ja 1754. aastaks ligi kakskümmend tuhat elanikku ning 1776. aastaks neljakümne tuhande elanik muutis Philadelphiast impeeriumi suuruselt teise Briti linna, jäädes alla Londonile endale. See oli märkimisväärselt lühikese ajaga ületanud Bostoni ja kõiki teisi Atlandi ookeani ranniku sadamalinnu. Enne Palatinuse suure rände lõppu nautis Philadelphia tänavavalgustust ning asfalteeritud vankriteede ja kõnniteede algust linna suurtel tänavatel.

Sisserändajale W ürttembergist või Pfalzist, mis oli piiratud sadamas laevaga, oli lähedal asuv Philadelphia nii vinge kui ka teretulnud. See esindas paljuski Uut maad, mis polnud enam kaugel. Ometi kujutas see endast inglise kveekerite koloniseerimise saavutustena takistusi keelele, tavadele ja korraldusele. Enamiku sisserännanud sakslaste jaoks oli Philadelphia uute võimaluste sümbol, mitte meeldetuletus raskustest. Jões olevate laevade tekidelt vaatasid nad sõna otseses mõttes üles uuele linnale, mis oli ehitatud kõrgele maapinnale, väravaks jõe sisemusse ja ihaldatud maale.

Kuid pärast pika merereisi raskusi ja katsumusi koos mälestustega näljast ja matmistest merel tundsid mõned rändurid puudust ja segadust. Heitunud või üksildase ränduri jaoks oli eriti rõõmustav tervitada kaassakslasi, kes olid piisavalt organiseeritud ja mures, et sõuda laeva juurde, et näha, kes on saabunud ja kust nad pärit on. Sageli pakkusid nad abi. Sügiskuudel tõid nad provintsi õunu või muid puuvilju ning andsid need reisijatele mure ja tervituse märgiks. Vähem entusiastlik oli teretulnud laevad, mis kuuldavasti saabuvad suure hulga haigete või surevate reisijatega, kuigi vajadus võib nendes tingimustes olla palju suurem.

Mõni, eriti eakam inimene või mõni kodune või mõne staatusega isik, kellele raske füüsilise pingutuse väljavaade ei meeldinud, muutis meelt ja otsustas naasta. Teised täitsid esialgse kohustustähtaja ja naasid seejärel vana riigi lahendatumate protseduuride juurde. Mõni saabus sellisesse kurnatuse või šoki seisundisse, et ei tajunud taandumise tähendust, kuna kohalikud tööandjad või põllumehed oma teenuse eest pakkumist teevad.

Sellegipoolest leidis valdav enamus saabunutest tasakaalu suuresti Pennsylvania kasuks. Sadamalinn kujutas neile võimalust murda minevikust, mida kaaluvad kohustused ja piiravad tingimused. Paljud leidsid peagi ajutise ja mõned alalised tööd. Nende jaoks oli Philadelphia kummaline, kuid imeliselt erinev sellest, mida nad varem kogesid. See oli avatud asula, kus oli palju linnaosasid ja tänavad selged ja ligipääsetavad. Sadamalinnal polnud linnamüüri ega kindlustusi ega varemeid ega nägusid. Veelgi enam, oli raske öelda, kus linn lõppes ja üksikud talud või istandused algasid. Enamiku saabuvate Palatini, Švaabimaa või W ü tšarterlaste rändajate jaoks pakkusid teed sisemaale Germantowni, Skippacki, Readingi, Lancasteri või Eastoni poole otsitavate talude leidmiseks. Aastaga võttis Philadelphia mõnikord vastu sisserändajaid, kelle arv oli suurem kui tema kogu elanikkond. See võib ette näha vaid mõned neist saabujatest, nii et enamiku saatus oli sisemuses. Need asunikud olid bauern, põllumehed hariduse, kogemuste ja sotsiaalse seisundi tõttu, kes saabusid täielikult kavatsusega põllumajanduses jätkata.

Esialgne oht paljudele, kui mitte enamikule sakslastest saabujatele, oli üle Atlandi ookeani läbimise arvete klaarimine. "Lunastajad" olid rahaliste vahendite puudumise tõttu nii puudega, et nad sõlmisid Rotterdami laevakaptenitega taganemislepingud, nende staatus fikseeriti enne lahkumist. "Vabadel" ja "vaba willeritel" oli veidi parem olla. Nad purjetasid vabade meestena, kuid allusid pärast saabumist taandumistele.

Laevalt mahatulek osutus tavaliselt keeruliseks neile, kes olid veel läbipääsu võlgu. Meistrid ei olnud mitte ainult vastumeelsed, vaid lausa ei tahtnud näha, kuidas need kaubavedud lahkusid, enne kui võlad sisse nõuti, Pennsylvania tagamaa. Selline piirang Delaware'i jões ankrus viibides või isegi dokis seotuna tundus olevat ülim hooletus või julmus. Kui Peter Kalm 1748. aastal laeva Mary kapten Lawsoniga austatud reisijana maandus, oli ta šokeeritud, kui kuulis pardale jäänud teise tüürimehe korraldusi. & quot; Ärgu keegi sakslastest pagulastest laevast välja pääseks, kui ta ei tasu oma läbisõidu eest või keegi teine ​​tema eest. & quot; Töölepingu lõpetamist võib oodata kuni kaks kuud. Aeg -ajalt taanete ostmisel või loovutamisel eraldati vanemad ja lapsed, mis oli tõsine mure ja kurbuse põhjus. Mõned sakslased märkisid, et teenistuses viibimine oli noortele kasulik. Teenijad said toitu ja peavarju, samas kui see oleks võinud olla palju keerulisem.

Lunastajad tulid juba 1728. aastal, kuigi Suurbritannias kasutati suhteliselt vabatööjõu provintsis vabadust kasutavaid teenijaid peaaegu koloonia rajamise ajal. Kõige õnnelikumad olid need isikud, kes asusid provintsi ülemjooksul asuvate sakslaste kaasmajapidamistesse. Seal valitses mugavus ja tuttava kõne ring. Tuttavad sotsiaalsed kombed aitasid leevendada kultuurilist šokki, mis tekkis üleminekul Pfalzi saksa tingimustest inglise kombeks ja traditsiooniks.

Suur Saksa asunike sissevool, mis algas aastatel 1716 või 1717, tekitas esialgu vähe muret, sest kõik mõistsid, et provintsi õitsenguks peab rahvaarv suurenema. Kuid kasv oli nii stabiilne, et provintsi ametnikud pidasid nende suurt hulka ohuks. Veelgi enam, Saksa ränne kasvas aastakümne järel kümnendiku kaupa XVIII sajandisse. Isegi kõige ettevaatlikumad sakslaste sisenemise hinnangud on ekslikud, kuid nende vastu kärarikkudes võime otsustada, et 1727. aastaks peeti neid suureks ohuks. Kartus, et arvukad sakslased neelavad algse asula, pani uue kuberneri Patrick Gordoni nõudma eeskirju. He asked that arrivals declare their good faith by an oath of allegiance to the king and a promise of fidelity to the Proprietor, "and that a List shall be taken of the Names of all these People, their several Occupations, and the Places from whence they come." Shortly, to add assurances of political reliability, a renunciation of the Stuart pretenders was also required of them.

While these lists, oaths and registry were restrictive, and for a time accompanied by a duty of two pounds per alien entry (double the duty on Irish servants), the requirements seem not to have slowed the Palatine arrivals to any great extent.

The large number who entered Pennsylvania from German-speaking areas of Europe indicate just how attractive Penn's Province was, especially at the peak of the migrations from 1749 to 1754. During the first of the heavy years, twenty-two ships carrying more than six thousand "Palatines" debarked at Philadelphia. In the five years of the most intensive movement, no less than seventeen thousand Germans arrived, and early estimates ranged as high as thirty thousand in the half decade.

The natural increase in population continued to add to these German-speaking Pennsylvanians at a rate that sent their numbers well over one hundred thousand by the early 1770s. The combination of continued immigration, large families, and their skillful and successful tilling of the soil served to underscore the threat posed by this foreign settlement, especially to the non-German, English-speaking elements of Pennsylvania's population.

The Pennsylvania Assembly, concerned for the health and safety of the province, as well as for the German migrants, received a petition against "the overloading of ships bringing German immigrants to Philadelphia." The Assembly passed bills regulating the importation of Germans and required ship captains to be more accountable. In the end, the Pennsylvania laws were invalidated by the Board of Trade.

[Source: Pennsylvania Germans, A Persistent Minority . William T. Parsons. Collegeville, PA: Chestnut Books, 1985. pp 47-60.]


For some 20 years from 1884 to 1905, some 20 children a year were sent from the Douglas (later IoM) Industrial Home for Children to Canada (a few went to Australia/New Zealand). Such emigration continued, although on a smaller scale, into the 1920's, after which any emigration was to Australia. The link between the Island and Canada was established via Mr and Mrs Cambell, the master and matron of the home, who had previously worked for William Quarrier at Bridge of Weir. Quarrier and Dr Barnardo had both seen a new life in the rapidly expanding Canada as the best possible start for these children. Manx children would appear to have gone to Canada via Quarrier's home at Bridge of Weir (see article by Cringle).

For many children it was indeed a good start in life but for others their new masters treated them like slaves the children also missed their friends, and sometimes other siblings, left behind on the Island.

In 1897 emigration via the Quarrier Home ceased as Quarrier would not agree with new legislation brought in by Ontario (which formalised the monitoring of such children) - such emigration restarted on the death of Quarrier in 1903.

The youth emigration to Canada mentioned above would appear to have been independent of the Industrial Home.


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Greek Immigration to America

Greek immigration to America first commenced in 1768 and continues right through to today, with Greek Americans making up the 34 th largest ethnic group in America and the largest Greek diaspora. Estimates vary on the Greek population in USA from 1.3 to 2 million, mostly as a result of how you define Greek Americans. Find out how and why your ancestors relocated in the timeline below of Greek immigration to America.

1520-1600

Although Greek immigration to America didn’t begin until 1768, in a sense that Greeks didn’t permanently relocate to America. The first Greek recorded to have set foot in the USA in 1527 was Theodoros Griego, also known as Don Teodoro. Theodoros Griego became an explorer and conquistador in Spain, joining the Narváez expedition. Learn more about Theodoros Griego here.

In 1587, another Greek explorer and captain from Spain reached the West Coast of America – Ioannis Fokas, also known as Juan de Fuca. In 1592, he returned to the West Coast of America and sailed further north. Today, the “Strait of Juan de Fuca” is named after him, located between Vancouver Island and the state of Washington, forming part of the international boundary between Canada and USA.

1600-1700

There are no records of any Greeks immigrating or setting foot in America between 1600-1700.

1700-1800

In 1768, approx. 500 Greeks from the areas of Smyrna, Crete, and Mani settled in New Smyrna Beach, Florida. The colony there didn’t last though and the settlers moved to St. Augustine in 1776. The Saint Photios Greek Chapel still exists in St. Augustine, Florida as a shrine and reminder of the Greek settlers’ presence. The chapel is the oldest known still standing Greek Orthodox structure in the USA.

The exterior of Saint Photios Greek Chapel in St. Augustine, Florida.

The interior of Saint Photios Greek Chapel in St. Augustine, Florida.

1800-1820

There are no records of any Greeks immigrating or setting foot in America between 1800-1820.

1820-1840

Greek immigration to America was propelled by the Greek War of Independence from the Ottoman Empire in 1821. This began with approx. 40 orphans who had survived the Greek Revolution and were brought to the USA by American missionaries.

In 1822, survivors of the massacre of Chios by the Turks fled and immigrated to the USA. During the war, a number of Greek merchant sailors immigrated to America from the islands, Asia Minor, Epirus, and Macedonia.

Greece became an independent nation after the London Protocol in 1830 and later the London Conference in 1832. Although Greece had won its independence, the war had caused a dire economic situation in the newly formed nation. In addition to this, many Greeks still lived outside its nation’s borders – with many islands, as well as the regions of Thessaly Epirus Macedonia Thrace and Asia Minor, still under Ottoman occupation (the Ionian islands were under British rule). This caused many Greeks to immigrate due to economic hardship and/or out of fear of reprisals from the Ottomans.

1840-1860

The first significant Greek community to develop in the USA was in New Orleans, Louisiana during the 1850s.

In 1860, it’s estimated that 328 Greeks were living in the USA, with the majority residing in California, Arkansas, New York, and Massachusetts.

1860-1880

By 1866, the community in New Orleans, Louisiana was large enough to have a Greek consulate and the first official Greek Orthodox Church in the USA. The Holy Trinity Eastern Orthodox Church served Greeks as well as Russian, Syrian, Lebanese, Slav, and Austrian Orthodox Christians.

Holy Trinity Eastern Orthodox Church in New Orleans, Louisiana.

1880-1900

During the 1880s, Greek immigration to America was predominantly from Laconia in the Peloponnese.

In 1890, it’s estimated that 15,000 Greeks were living in the USA. In the 1890’s many Greeks arrived to the USA from Arcadia, also in the Peloponnese.

By the late 1800s, the Corinthian currant had become the number one exported Greek product and it was vital to the Greek economy. In the 1890’s however, international demand for raisins rapidly declined, causing the collapse of the trade of raisins – leaving many Greek farmers bankrupt. This prompted a sharp increase in Greek immigration to America.

A young female Greek immigrant on Ellis Island, New York City.

1900-1910

At the turn of the century, Greek immigration to America mainly consisted of young men, some as young as fourteen, sent by their families for work. These men were expected to return to Greece with money for their families. Many of these Greek immigrants settled in major cities on the east coast such as New York, Chicago, and Baltimore. Most initially worked in these cities as dishwashers, laborers, shoe shiners, and street peddlers. Other Greek immigrants went west to work in the mines and railroads in Nevada, Utah, and California. While others went to Florida where they worked as fishermen and sponge divers – Tarpon Springs is still famous for its Greek sponge divers.

The 1910 Census Report showed that there were 101,285 Greeks living in the USA. Men made up 93% of Greek population in USA at 93,447 – in comparison to only 7,835 Greek women.

1910-1920

1912 marked the beginning of the First Balkan War, where the kingdoms of Greece, Bulgaria, Serbia, and Montenegro fought to liberate their lands still under Ottoman occupation. This situation spurred the patriotism of 45,000 Greek Americans who returned to Greece to fight for their motherland.

1913 saw the end of the First Balkan War and the Second Balkan War, which lasted little over a month. The Second Balkan War broke out when Bulgaria attacked its former allies Greece and Serbia over dissatisfaction with its territorial gains from the First Balkan War. The conflict saw Greece gain additional territory in Macedonia, liberating more Greeks.

Greek-American volunteers in the Balkan Wars.

After the Balkan Wars, most Greek American young men who had fought in the conflicts decided to return to the USA and invest their hard-earned money into establishing small businesses. This change of heart from a temporary residence to permanent residence in the USA saw an increase in female Greek immigration to America. Many Greek women who arrived helped establish Greek Communities, Greek Orthodox Churches, and other Greek traditions in the USA.

1914 marked the beginning of World War 1, which lasted over 4 years. During the war, approx. 70,000 Greeks fought on behalf of the USA.

In the meantime, Greek Americans remaining in the USA began establishing Greek restaurants which flourished so much so, that by 1919, one third of Chicago’s restaurants were run by the Greek diaspora.

By 1920 the Greek population in USA increased by 126,770 from 1910 to a total of 228,055.

1920-1930

Greek immigration to America decreased substantially in the 1920’s due to the Immigration Acts of 1921 and 1924, which established immigration quotas in the USA. The 1921 Tegutse capped the number of Greek immigrants to 3,063.

In 1922, the Greek diaspora in the USA established the American Hellenic Educational Progressive Association (AHEPA) to protect Greeks from prejudice and discrimination.

In 1923, the Greek diaspora in the USA established the Greek American Progressive Association (GAPA) to preserve the Greek language, religious and social practices, and customs.

The 1924 Tegutse capped the number of Greek immigrants to 100. Following numerous petitions however, the quota was increased and between 1925 and 1929, approx. 10,883 Greek immigrants arrived in the USA.

Overall, between 1920 and 1930 Greek immigration to America decreased by 40% from the previous decade, with only 75,696 new arrivals.

1930-1940

In the 1930’s Greek immigration to America continued to decline, decreasing by 53% from the previous decade, with only 22,921 new arrivals.

1939 saw the break out of WWII, right at the end of the decade.

By 1940, the Greek population in USA was estimated at 326,672 – with 68% being male.

1940-1950

28 October 1940 saw Greece enter WWII with the Italian invasion. The subsequent Greek victory in not only defending the country’s territory against the invasion but also in the successful offensive, pushing the Italians back deep into Albanian territory was viewed immense support and euphoria globally. Greek Americans led fundraising initiatives and support for Greece in their diaspora. Greeks were viewed with admiration and respect in the USA.

7 December 1941 saw the USA enter WWII with the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor. Many Greek Americans joined the war fighting for the USA.

12 October 1942 saw the first Greek American (from Chicago) killed in WWII. Leo A. Loumbas was a 24-year old Apprentice Seaman in the United States Navy.

Leo A. Loumbas - the first Greek American killed in WWII.

WWII ended in 1945 and almost immediately after, Greece entered another dark faze in their history with the Greek Civil War commencing in 1946 and lasting until 1949.

With all the conflicts that ravaged the 1940’s, Greek immigration to American was at an all-time low.

1950-1960

Following on from the conflicts during the previous decade, the 1950’s saw a resurgence in Greek immigration to America.

In 1953, the Refugee Relief Act allowed 17,000 Greeks to arrive to the USA.

Then in 1957, additional legislative changes saw approx. 1,504 Greeks arrive to the USA.

1960-1970

Aastal 1965, Immigration and Nationality Act abolished the quota by country system. Many Greek Americans took advantage of the new law and brought members of their families to the USA.

Around this time also came a change in the demographic of Greek immigration to America. The Greeks arriving now were better educated and in many cases skilled immigrants, as opposed to their predecessors in the first half of the 20 th Century.

1970-1980

Between 1950 and 1980, Greek immigrants to America had established more than 600 diners in New York. It was during the 1970’s that Astoria first became referred to as the “Greektown” of New York.

1974 saw the Turkish invasion of Cyprus, which was the precursor for the largest wave of Greek immigration to America from Cyprus. A testament to the size and influence that the Greek diaspora now held in the USA, was the USA sanctions imposed on Turkey during 1975 and 1978 – largely as a result of Greek American demonstrations and Greek-American members of Congress such as Representative John Brademas and Senator Paul Sarbanes.

Between 1965 and 1975, more than 142,000 Greeks arrived in the USA and between 1960 and 1980, more than 170,000 Greeks arrived in the USA. The majority of Greek immigrants during this period settled in New York City and surrounding areas.

The Greek population in Astoria, New York City alone was approx. 22,579 in 1980.

Athens Square in Astoria, New York City.

1980-1990

1981 marked Greece’s admission into the European Union. As a result, annual Greek immigration to America declined to approx. 2,000. Most Greeks immigrating, instead opted to settle in nearby European countries due to the ease of movement within the European Union.

The 1990 Census Report showed the number of people claiming Greek ancestry at 1,110,373 – with approx. 37,729 new Greek arrivals during 1980-1989.

1990-2000

The 1990’s continued to see a decline in Greek immigration to America, largely as a result of the European Union migration policies but also due to Greece relative economic prosperity.

Between 1990 and 1999, approx. 25,403 Greeks arrived in the USA.

2000-2010

The turn of the millennium didn’t correlate to a turn in Greek immigration to America, as it continued to decline with only 16,841 new arrivals between 2000 and 2009.

In 2007 and 2008 the Global Financial Crisis hit and Greece was one of the hardest hit countries in the world.

By 2010, it is estimated that 1.5 million people of Greek ancestry were living in the USA.

2010-2020

Following the Global Financial Crisis, the 2010’s saw an increase in Greek immigration to America. Between 2010 and 2012 approx. 3,426 Greeks arrived in the USA.

In 2013, Greece’s unemployment rate reached an all-time high of 27.80 %, as reported by CEIC Data. This sparked even more Greeks reaching out to their relatives in the diaspora for work opportunities abroad.

Between 2011 and 2015, approx. 6,704 Greeks arrived in the USA. Today, it’s estimated that between 1.5-2 million people in the USA are of Greek ancestry. Most Greeks in the USA are located in the cities of New York, Chicago, and Boston.

Bank of Greece.

Immigration 1700-1800 - History

M usical • U nique • S cottish • I dentifiable • C haracteristic

Scots to Colonial North Carolina Before 1775

Society and Culture in Colonial Cape Fear Valley

If one wants to trace Scottish folk song melodies from Scotland into Colonial North America, it seems logical to locate the largest concentrations of immigrant Scottish populations and to attempt to understand their culture, the cultures in which they found themselves, how they interacted with those culture and musics, and how this synthesis affected the newly created melodies.

Approximately 1.5 million Scots have immigrated to America (Gormley, 2000). Today, the state of North Carolina has more citizens of Scottish ancestry than any other state or country, including Scotland (Highlander, 2000). Where did those early immigrant Scots settle in North America, and when? How many were there? Why did they leave Scotland for such treacherous, wilderness territory?

The main thrust of this section of the study is to follow Scottish Highlanders and their music into the North American colonies. But, it is also necessary to trace Lowlanders and Scotch-Irish, as many musical characteristics of their folk songs will be found to be similar to the Highland. True, there are differences, but, together, they all form a “Celtic” influence on the new American music of the late 18th century.

Brief History of the Founding of North Carolina

Giovanni da Verrazonoa was the first European explorer of North Carolina in 1524. The territory was named Carolana after King Charles I of England. (Carolus means Charles in Latin.) In 1663, King Charles changed the spelling of the name to Carolina

In 1729, King George II took Carolina over and split it into North Carolina and South Carolina. Farmers from Virginia migrated to settle in North Carolina because it had a warm climate and good soil. Most of North Carolina became plantations.

Colonial North Carolina had three geographic regions: the Coastal Plain, the Appalachian Piedmont, and the Appalachian Mountains. These regions still exist, today.

The Immigrants of Colonial North Carolina

In addition to the Highlanders, there were several other ethnic groups who had migrated to colonial North Carolina from Europe and Africa including English, Lowlanders, Scotch-Irish, Germans, Welsh, Swiss, and Africans. While there seem to be no accurate records of the exact numbers of each group, it does appear that the English made up the vast majority of European immigrants, followed by the Scottiesh (Scotch-Irish, Lowlanders, and Highlanders), and far fewer Irish, Germans, Africans, Swiss, French, and Welsh (United States Historic Census Data Base 2002)..

There is a lot of confusion in early American history regarding the similarities or differences of the Scots. This makes it difficult to get a clear picture of “Scottish” immigration, though there are many clues that can help unravel the mess. Highlanders, Lowlanders, and Scotch-Irish are often grouped together as “Scots.” Sometimes the Irish and Scotch-Irish also get mistakenly mixed. A great number of Scotch-Irish (also often called Ulster-Scots), migrated to North America. The Scotch-Irish, Highland Scots, and Lowland Scots became a dominant ethnic group in the Colonies.

The largest influx of Irish into North Carolina was in the form of Protestants -- largely Presbyterian but also Anglican -- who became known as "Scotch-Irish" or "Scots Irish," since their ancestors originated in Scotland. (Powell, 1999) The term "Scotch-Irish" is an Americanism, generally unknown in Scotland and Ireland, and rarely used by British historians. In American usage, it refers to people of Scottish descent who, having lived for a time in the north of Ireland, migrated in considerable numbers to the American colonies in the eighteenth century.

According to the United States Historical Census Data Base (USHCDB) (2002), the ethnic populations in the American Colonies of 1775 were:
English 48.7 %
African 20.0 %
Scot-Irish 7.8 %
German 6.9 %
Scottish 6.6 %
Dutch 2.7 %
French 1.4 %
Swedish 0.6 %
Other 5.3 %
(NOTE: Combined, the total of Scots and Scot-Irish in this census is 14.4%.)

The following sections give some information about the major ethnic groups in colonial North Carolina (all the ones in the list above except Dutch and Swedish).

English and Welsh

The main English immigration to North America began in the early seventeenth century. From this time until the Revolution, the English were the largest group in the colonies and certainly in North Carolina. Due to industrialization and less religious persecution there had been an improvement in living standards in England and this led to a relative decline in the English emigration the eighteenth century.

There were English immigrants in all the North American colonies and in the West Indies. In the seventeenth century they mainly settled the East seaboard areas in the colonies. In the New England colony all the states had ninety percent or more population of English and Welsh origin. In 1790 the state of Massachusetts had the largest number of people, 93%, of English and Welsh ethnic background. In Pennsylvania, English and Welsh inhabitants made up about 58% of the total population. In the southern colonies, the British and Welsh immigrants were the majority, and in North Carolina they were 56% of the total population.

Though the governing of the colonies was mainly in English hands, there were several British government leaders from Scotland and Ulster. The culture of North Carolina was decidedly British, mainly English. The other ethnic groups maintained strong cultures within their own contained communities, but had marginal influence, at first, on English-dominated rule and society. However, little by little, the influence of the Scotch-Irish and Highland Scots in particular became evident, as we shall see later in this paper.

Scottish Lowlanders

There were Lowlanders in this area before 1700. Tracing Lowlanders is more difficult than tracing Highlanders because the Lowlanders were much more willing to disperse themselves within the various communities than were the clansmen. However, there are clear records of Lowlanders in North Carolina before 1700. Lowlander names appear in pre-1700 Carolina records and the first governor of the colony, William Drummond, was a Lowlander (Myer, 1957).

Scotch-Irish and Irish

To the west and east of these Highland settlements were large settlements of Scotch-Irish. One area directly to the west of the Cape Fear settlements was even called “Scotch-Irish Mesopotamia.” Most of the Scotch-Irish landed at Philadelphia and came south into North Carolina as early as 1740. After 1750, a steady stream flowed into the Colony. In 1751 Governor Gabriel Johnston of North Carolina reported to the Board of Trade that “Inhabitants flock in here daily, mostly from Pennsylvania and other parts of America . . . and some directly from Europe, they commonly seat themselves toward the West and have got near the mountains” (Saunders, 1886㫲).

The Scotch-Irish were Protestant, as compared to the smaller number of Irish in Carolina, who were Catholic. In the seventeenth century a large amount of the Irish immigrants were situated in the West Indies, but in the eighteenth century there were Irish settlements in North America. Pennsylvania was in 1790 the colony that had most persons of Irish nationality, but it was mainly in the nineteenth century that the mass immigration of Irish Catholics to North America started.

The German immigrants came mainly from the areas of the river Rhine, the pre industrial south-west parts of Germany, but also from the German speaking areas of Switzerland.. The constant warfare in these parts of Europe made immigrants drawn towards the North Atlantic colonies.

The Germans settled mainly in Pennsylvania and by 1790, they represented more than one fourth of the total population. There were also some German settlements in Maryland, North and South Carolina and New York, but these numbers were small compared to the German population in Pennsylvania.

The following information explaining German immigration to North Carolina is from historian Guion Griffis Johnson (Johnson, 1937):

Following the same route traveled by the Scotch-Irish, several thousand Germans also came into North Carolina between 1745 and 1775. Like the Scotch-Irish, they were thrifty and fervently religious, but instead of representing one communion as in the case of the Scotch, they were members of three different branches of the Protestant church: the Lutheran, the German Reformed, and the Unitas Fratrum, or Moravian Church…Both the Scotch and the Germans preserved their native customs for several generations

There were also in this area enslaved Africans who worked in the houses and plantations of the European settlers. According to the Federal Census of 1790, one of four Highland families had slaves and, of those who owned slaves, the average was almost 5 slaves per family (Myer, 1957). In North Carolina, enslaved Africans were also about one out of every four persons (regardless of ethnicity):

North Carolina Census Data

Total 393,751
Free white persons 288,204 (72%)
All other free persons 4,975 (12%)
Slaves 100,572 (26%)

It is also interesting to note that by 1775, Africans were the second largest ethnic group (20.0%) in the United States, behind the English (48.7%), and there were three times as many Africans as Scots (6.6%). (If you combine the Scots and Scot-Irish of this census, the total would be 14.4%.) Most all Africans were enslaved and the vast majority were in the south in states like North Carolina (Meyer 1957).

French (Huguenots)

French immigrants, who were called the Huguenots, also found their way to colonial North Carolina. These French Protestants had to migrate because they were persecuted by the French king Louis XIV. French Huguenots immigrated mainly to New York and South Carolina, but some found their way into North Carolina. They assimilated easily by learning English and integrating with the other groups in the community (Meyer 1957).

Scottish Highlanders in Carolina

At the time of the first federal census in the United States, (1790) people of Scottish (including the Scotch-Irish) origins made up more than six percent of the population, numbering about 260,000. According to this census, Pennsylvania, Virginia and North Carolina had the highest proportion of Scottish stock among their populations. The settlements of the Highlanders were the Cape Fear River and its tributaries in North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia. A number of other Scots made their homes in the Mohawk Valley of New York, New Jersey, and the Caribbean islands such as Barbados. And, smaller numbers of Scots were found in all the 13 states.

The migration of Scottish Highlanders, in particular, to North Carolina began in about 1729 (Conner, 1919) and grew steadily until the outbreak of the American Revolution. The first few Highlanders appear to have settled in the Cape Fear area in 1732. The first large group of Highlanders settled here in 1739, numbered 350, and were from Argyllshire (Myer, 1957).

The fastest growth appears to have been just before the Revolution in the early 1770s. According to the Earl of Selkirk, by the end of the 18th century, the settlement of Scottish Highlanders in North Carolina was the largest on the North American Continent (Myer, 1957). Thomas Garnett, in his Tour, published in 1800, estimated in 1800 that 30,000 Highlanders had immigrated to America between 1773 and 1775, alone (Adams, 1919. My research uncovered estimates anywhere from 6,000 to over 50,000. The writer believes the number of 30,000 by Garnett is most accurate, if not slightly overstated. Lower estimates seem to leave out departures that list no departure port, but clearly left Scotland, or left Ireland or England as a last port and were populated with mostly Scottish surnames. The highest seem to accidentally have combined two estimates for the same period.The Highlanders settled in the sand hills area near the upper Cape Fear River of the Coastal Plain, which ran inland to about 100 miles from the ocean. Since the vast majority of Highlanders that settled in this area had come from an agricultural society, and because the land was plentiful and fertile, most became farmers.

The main trading town in the sand hills area at this time was Cross Creek. It was established in 1746 (Ashe, 1908) about 90 miles up the Cape Fear River, close to the merge of the Cape Fear River and the Cross Creek. In 1762, Campbellton was established near Cross Creek. In 1778, the towns were combined. After the Revolution, in 1783, the name Cross Creek was changed to Fayetteville, after the French general, Lafayette who assisted the Americans in defeating the British.

The Highlanders preferred to live among those who spoke their language and shared their customs, and usually settled in groups (Myer, 1957). Yet, almost immediately, Scotch-Irish slowly mixed in to the Highland settlements and continued to do so over the last half of the 18th century.

There were so many MacDonalds in the Cape Fear region that, during the American Revolution, the MacDonalds, who were loyal to the Crown of England, attempted a march to the sea, but were defeated at Moore’s Creek. This was known for generations as “The Insurrection of the Clan MacDonald” (Graham, 1956)

When Samuel Johnson made his famous journey through the Highlands with James Boswell in 1773, he remarked in his journal that there was an “epidemick of desire of wandering which spreads from valley to valley” (Johnson, 1924). Also in his journal, Johnson states that, wherever he went in the Highlands, people were contemplating emigration to America. The Reverend Alexander Pope in 1774 wrote that half the population of Caithness would have left for America if they could have obtained the shipping (Myer, 1957). James Boswell tells of people on the Isle of Skye on October 2, 1774 who were performing a dance called “America.”

Each of the couples…successively whirls round in a circle, till all are in motion and the dance seems intended to show how emigration catches, till a whole neighborhood is set afloat. (Johnson & Boswell 1961, p346)
Many historical sources state that a good number of the Highlanders came to North Carolina after the 1745 defeat of the Highlanders at Culloden by the British government troops. It is true that many defeated Scots were banished to the colonies, but very few seem to have showed up in North Carolina, and it seems these reports of Highlanders leaving directly due to the defeat at Culloden is exaggerated.

It appears that the main cause of most of the emigration from Scotland during this period was due to the rapidly deteriorating economy and standard of living in the Highlands and the lure of economic relief and the promise of a golden future in America as communicated through letters from America to Scotland. Letters written from North Carolina to friends and relatives in the Highlands spurred an almost continuous flow of newcomers until the movement stopped by the Revolutionary War (Lefler & Powell, 1973).

An examination of ships’ records shows that most Highlanders reported leaving Scotland because of high rents on their land and “oppression” or “high rents & Better Encouragement” (Graham, 1956).

The writer’s family was part of this mass exodus of the 1770’s. The Bethunes came from Skye to Kintyre in the mid-1600s and then emigrated from the port of Greenock on August 26, 1774. They arrived in Wilmington, North Carolina on the ship Ulysses on October 17, 1774 and settled in the Cape Fear area known as the Argyll Colony (Bethune Family records).

The Highlanders did not mix easily with the other groups in the area such as the English, Irish, Scotch-Irish, Germans, or the smaller groups of Huguenots, Welsh, and Swiss. As explained in Ian Charles Cargill Graham’s Colonists from Scotland: emigration to North America, 1707-1783:

They [the Highlanders] were then as much a race apart as the Germans, less amenable to assimilation than the Lowland Scots, and far less so than the Scotch-Irish with their hostile attitude to the British government. Like the Germans, they spoke a strange tongue, but unlike them, they respected the authority of the Crown…They were clearly distinguished from other colonial peoples by their dress and demeanor. (Graham, p. 107)

Though the Highlanders spoke Gaelic, they did begin to use English more and more in order to conduct business with the majority English population and the Lowlanders and Scotch-Irish. But, in the Highland households that had slaves, the enslaved Africans even spoke Gaelic. The following excerpt tells the story of a Highland lady in Colonial North Carolina:

As she disembarked at the wharf, she was delighted to hear two men conversing in Gaelic. Assuming by their speech that they must inevitably be fellow Highlanders, she came nearer, only to discover that their skin was black. (Myer, 1957, p. 119)

Gaelic and German were rapidly giving way to English by 1825 (Gehrke, 1847). However, there are several documented reports of Gaelic still spoken in areas around the Cape Fear as late as 1886. The writer’s great-great grandparents spoke Gaelic until that time (Bethune Family History).

After the Revolution, interaction among these peoples was still not frequent. There existed a division between the eastern and western counties. They did not grow the same crops or market their produce at the same towns. The East was settled chiefly by the English, while in the West there was a large proportion of Scotch and German settlers who still retained many of their native customs. For many years after the War, poor roads and the lack of good transportation kept the two regions apart. It would be a long time before these different people would come to know one another.

Because the Highlanders were adventurous, didn’t mix well with the other populations, preferred to speak Gaelic, and were seen as supporters of the now-defeated Crown of Britain, many sought to “escape” unfriendly territory and struck out to tame the western frontier. Many became famous pioneers in Kentucky, Tennessee, and as far west as Texas. However, at the same time, Highlanders who had settled in the northern states started migrating south to North Carolina because it was seen as a land with better farming and a close-knit Highland community. Ergo, the Scottish population continued to grow in Carolina, despite the exodus of the Highland western pioneers.

Most of the Scottish (Highland and Lowland) settlers who came prior to 1854 came from the region of Glasgow, Lanark, Renfrew, and Ayr (21.7%) or Argyll (13.9%). Others came from Edinburgh and Lothians (10.6%), Inverness (9.3%), Southwest (8.9%), and Perth (8.7%) (Gormley, 2000). Many, if not most of the Highlanders in Cape Fear were from Argyllshire, which was overwhelmingly Presbyterian by 1750 (4,000 Catholics and 62,000 Presbyterians). Further, there is no evidence of any churches other than Presbyterian in this area and time (Myer, 1957). The importance of this religious distinction will be explained later in the paper where the music of the Cape Fear region will be discussed.

Myra Vanderpool Gormley (2000) explains that Scots were generally well educated and the newly immigrated Scots worked to bring even more Scots to the new land.

It was said in 1773 that the Virginians imported all their tutors and schoolmasters from Scotland. Education was widespread in Scotland and you will find most of your Scot ancestors were literate. As early as the 17th Century the immigrants were writing letters home telling of their success and prosperity and describing the beauty and richness of their settlements. Many successful settlers sent funds back to the old country to enable family members to follow -- wife or sweetheart, brothers and sisters, and sometimes ultimately the parents as well. The Scots tended to immigrate as families rather than individuals.

Scottish immigration had a fair chance of finding fellow Scots when they arrived and frequently obtained assistance from some of the Scottish societies that had been formed here to assist newcomers. Knowledge that such societies existed may well have helped to focus the minds of emigrants on certain areas. The Scots Charitable Society of Boston, founded in 1657, was the forerunner of associations whose purpose was partly charitable. These associations helped to smooth the path of emigrants from Scotland. Others were located at Philadelphia, New York and Savannah, Ga. The first St. Andrew's Society is believed to have been founded in New York in 1763. (Gormley, 2000, p. 1)

The steady flow of Highlanders into North Carolina (and into the new United States) ended with the onset of the Revolutionary War. Almost all Highlanders in North Carolina were Loyalists, supporting the Crown of Britain. During and after the War, most Highlanders emigrating from Scotland went to Canada, which was still part of the British Empire. After the War, the Whigs in North Carolina (anti-British) confiscated estates of Loyalists and many Scottish Highlanders migrated from North Carolina to Canada, Alabama, Georgia, and Texas (even though, as tensions lessened over the next generation, many Scots in Canada did make their way to the United States). Still, North Carolina maintained the greatest number of Highlanders and Scots of all the states and Canada.


Emigration schemes

Some Scots took part in assisted emigration schemes such as the scheme organised by the Highland and Island Emigration Society (1851-1859) to Australia and the state-aided scheme from the 1880s to help emigrants to settle in Canada.

The records of these particular schemes are available in the National Records of Scotland. At the National Library we also hold on microfiche:

  • 'British immigration to Victoria: resource kit. Stage 1, Assisted immigrants from U.K., 1839-1871'. Melbourne: Public Record Office (1989).


Vaata videot: Counting 1700 to 1800 Using the Place Value Chart (Detsember 2021).